In recent years, a troubling phenomenon has become increasingly evident across social media and digital platforms: the emergence and continued growth of online fandoms dedicated to notorious mass murderers, particularly those responsible for school shootings and hate-driven violence. These communities, composed largely of young people, not only express fascination with these killers but often display open admiration or romantic attraction toward them—a psychological phenomenon known as hybristophilia. Such fandoms are more than distasteful curiosities; their existence actively contributes to the normalization, glorification, and, in the worst cases, replication of mass violence.

Among the most prominent examples of this phenomenon are the fandoms surrounding Eric Harris and Dylan Klebold of Columbine High School, Adam Lanza of Sandy Hook Elementary, Elliot Rodger of Isla Vista, and Dylann Roof of Charleston. Each fandom varies in size and expression, yet all share common traits: idealization of the perpetrators, the circulation of stylized artwork and memes, use of coded language and insider slang, and attempts to reframe violent offenders as misunderstood or sympathetic figures. Crucially, many demonstrate overt hybristophilia, transforming violent criminals into romantic or sexual icons.

Columbiners

Perhaps the most widely recognized of these online communities revolves around Columbine shooters Eric Harris and Dylan Klebold. Known as “Columbiners,” these fans romanticize Harris and Klebold through fanfiction, drawings, poetry, and stylized videos. The movement is alarmingly large; conservative estimates place active participants well into the tens of thousands globally, with especially intense activity each April around the anniversary of the massacre. While Columbiners once operated primarily on niche blogs and forums, today they populate mainstream platforms including TikTok, Instagram, Twitter (now X), and Tumblr. They regularly share images that depict Harris and Klebold softened by artistic filters, adorned with flowers, or portrayed in romanticized settings. “My sweet boys” and “they deserved better” are typical captions that highlight the extent to which fans rewrite the killers as sympathetic, misunderstood youth rather than perpetrators of mass murder.

A particularly disturbing aspect of Columbiner culture is hybristophilia, a paraphilic attraction to individuals who have committed heinous crimes. Columbiner posts often explicitly discuss romantic or sexual desires directed toward Harris and Klebold. This troubling dynamic transforms violent acts into objects of erotic fantasy, complicating attempts at intervention. Sue Klebold, Dylan Klebold’s mother, told ABC’s 20/20 in 2016, “I am appalled that anyone could look at this tragedy and see romance or heroism.”  In her memoir A Mother’s Reckoning she recalls that “Girls flooded us with love letters. Young men left messages on our answering machine calling Dylan a god, a hero.”  Despite these objections, the Columbiner community continues to thrive, perpetuating the shooters’ notoriety.

Adam Lanza and Sandy Hook

The Columbine fandom also has an unsettling historical connection to another tragic incident—the Sandy Hook massacre. Before committing mass murder at Sandy Hook Elementary School in December 2012, Adam Lanza was himself immersed in Columbiner online spaces. Posting under the username “Smiggles,” Lanza engaged obsessively with Columbine-related forums, meticulously researching and cataloging prior mass shootings. After committing the Sandy Hook atrocity, Lanza himself became the focus of a small but rapidly growing online fandom within the broader True Crime Community (TCC).

Unlike the more overtly ideological Columbiners or incel movements, Lanza’s fandom primarily revolves around aestheticized empathy. Admirers portray Lanza as a tragic figure, often emphasizing his documented mental health issues, social isolation, and severe eating disorder, anorexia nervosa. Artistic content—commonly found on Twitter, Pinterest, and TikTok—depicts Lanza as an anime-style character or an ethereal, melancholic figure. Terms such as “lanzapilled” or “lanzarexia” (directly referencing Lanza’s documented anorexia) are frequently used as markers of membership. This specific fixation on his eating disorder has caused noticeable crossover with online eating disorder communities, blurring the boundaries between mental health support groups and the troubling romanticization of violent crime. Fans may frame Lanza as an icon representing fragility and alienation, further complicating efforts to clearly identify dangerous behaviors within these intersecting online groups.

Elliot Rodger and the Incel Movement

Perhaps even more explicit in terms of violent ideological motivation is the fandom surrounding Elliot Rodger, who carried out the Isla Vista killings in May 2014. Rodger’s self-professed hatred of women and sense of sexual entitlement resonated deeply with the involuntary celibate (“incel”) movement. Within incel communities, Rodger has been canonized as “Saint Elliot” or “the Supreme Gentleman.” The incel community is substantial; for instance, one major incel website (incels.is) reports membership exceeding 20,000 active accounts. On May 23 each year, incels commemorate “Saint Elliot’s Day,” sharing his videos, quoting his manifesto, and creating memes glorifying his actions. This annual ritual often involves references to “going ER,” a phrase derived from Rodger’s initials, indicating violent retribution. The real-world impact of this community has been severe, inspiring multiple subsequent attacks—including the deadly Toronto van attack in 2018. 

Dylann Roof and Neo-Nazism

The most explicitly hate-driven and politically extreme fandom has developed around Dylann Roof, the perpetrator of the racially motivated Charleston church massacre in June 2015. Roof’s bowl-cut hairstyle quickly became a symbol among white supremacist groups, notably “Bowl Gang” or “Bowlwaffen Division.” Though smaller in numbers compared to Columbiners or incels, Roof’s followers are deeply entrenched in neo-Nazi and white nationalist networks, communicating largely through encrypted Telegram channels, 4chan, and other alt-tech forums. Content dedicated to Roof emphasizes violent racial ideology, referring to Roof as “Saint Roof” and urging followers to “take the bowl pill,” a slogan combining violent radicalization with internet meme culture. Adherents idolize Roof’s actions, framing his violence as heroic self-sacrifice in pursuit of white nationalist objectives. These communities have been explicitly linked to attempted plots and acts of violence, reflecting the dangerous intersection of extremist ideology, violent intent, and online hero-worship. 

Shared Digital Playbook

Across these fandoms, certain behaviors and methods repeatedly emerge. Stylized aesthetic presentations of violent individuals, intended to normalize and glamorize their actions, are common. Insider slang and coded language enable communication beneath moderation algorithms: terms such as “Natural Selection” (Columbine), “go ER” (incels), “lanzapilled” (Lanza fans), and “take the bowl pill” (Roof supporters) serve as signals of belonging. Platform migration also features prominently: after being banned or censored on mainstream platforms, members rapidly regroup in private Discord servers or Telegram channels, often retaining substantial community cohesion.

While exact numerical prevalence is difficult to determine due to platform shifts and closed groups, available data indicate sustained popularity. TikTok videos tagged “#columbine” regularly reach millions of views around anniversaries; incel forums register tens of thousands of active discussions referencing Elliot Rodger each May; Adam Lanza’s fandom, though smaller, shows steady growth in online engagement, and Dylann Roof-inspired extremist memes routinely surface on fringe platforms and occasionally spill into mainstream spaces. 

Warning Signs and Response

Recognition of these fandoms’ dynamics, including their language, symbolism, and behavioral patterns, is vital. Adolescents immersed in such communities often exhibit significant behavioral changes: intense focus on specific mass shootings, adoption of the associated slang, changes in personal presentation (such as clothing or hairstyles reflecting admired killers), and the expression of romantic interest toward violent figures. While individual signs might be dismissed as harmless teenage rebellion or morbid curiosity, combinations of these indicators represent clear signals of deepening radicalization.

These fandoms are not merely disturbing expressions of youthful rebellion or internet subcultures. They actively contribute to radicalization processes, romanticize and normalize extreme violence, and have demonstrably influenced real-world violent acts. Understanding the specific characteristics, prevalence, and underlying psychological motivations—especially hybristophilia—of these online communities is essential. Early identification of their linguistic, visual, and behavioral markers, followed by informed and empathetic intervention, remains critical in mitigating the tangible dangers posed by these troubling online fandoms.